Show Notes
Day five of Tyler Robinson’s preliminary hearing focused heavily on the defense effort to weaken the prosecution’s DNA evidence. The defense called ATF DNA Section Chief Caitlin Oliver, who had performed testing on evidence including the rifle prosecutors said was used to kill Charlie Kirk and a Dremel tool recovered from Robinson’s home. Oliver acknowledged that DNA testing could not establish when or how genetic material had been deposited on an object, that secondary transfer was possible and that some of the evidence contained mixtures from multiple people. She also testified that several samples had been completely consumed during testing, meaning they could not be independently retested in their original form, and confirmed that investigators’ elimination samples had not always been available to rule out possible contamination. Prosecutors countered by emphasizing that the ATF laboratory was accredited, its testing methods were validated and widely accepted, and Oliver’s analysis found evidentiary support for including Robinson as a possible contributor to DNA recovered from numerous areas of the rifle, including the stock, grips, butt plate, trigger, trigger guard, bolt and fore-end. The defense’s point was not that the DNA testing had been fabricated, but that prosecutors had portrayed statistical findings as more definitive than the science itself allowed.
The final day also became consumed by a dispute over courtroom cameras after Robinson’s alleged handwritten confession note had accidentally appeared on the public livestream for several seconds the previous day despite Judge Tony Graf ordering that it not be broadcast. Robinson’s attorneys argued that repeated violations threatened his ability to receive a fair trial and asked Graf to reconsider allowing cameras in the courtroom. Graf responded by prohibiting additional exhibits from being displayed publicly for the remainder of the hearing, although he later allowed an enhanced surveillance compilation from Utah Valley University to be shown inside the courtroom to Charlie Kirk’s family. That video allegedly tracked Robinson’s movements around campus, including a figure prosecutors identified as Robinson reaching the roof, moving into what the state described as a sniper position and then fleeing toward the wooded area after the shooting. Robinson declined to testify on the advice of his attorneys, the defense rested, and prosecutors presented no rebuttal evidence. Instead of immediately arguing whether Robinson should be bound over for trial, both sides were given time to file written briefs, with oral arguments scheduled for September 1 before Graf decided whether prosecutors had established probable cause for the case to proceed.
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More from The Epstein Chronicles
Day five of Tyler Robinson’s preliminary hearing focused heavily on the defense effort to weaken the prosecution’s DNA evidence. The defense called ATF DNA Section Chief Caitlin Oliver, who had performed testing on evidence including the rifle prosecutors said was used to kill Charlie Kirk and a Dremel tool recovered from Robinson’s home. Oliver acknowledged that DNA testing could not establish when or how genetic material had been deposited on an object, that secondary transfer was possible and that some of the evidence contained mixtures from multiple people. She also testified that several samples had been completely consumed during testing, meaning they could not be independently retested in their original form, and confirmed that investigators’ elimination samples had not always been available to rule out possible contamination. Prosecutors countered by emphasizing that the ATF laboratory was accredited, its testing methods were validated and widely accepted, and Oliver’s analysis found evidentiary support for including Robinson as a possible contributor to DNA recovered from numerous areas of the rifle, including the stock, grips, butt plate, trigger, trigger guard, bolt and fore-end. The defense’s point was not that the DNA testing had been fabricated, but that prosecutors had portrayed statistical findings as more definitive than the science itself allowed.
New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez accused Darren Indyke and Richard Kahn of being active financial and administrative participants in what the complaint called the “Epstein Enterprise,” rather than merely Jeffrey Epstein’s lawyer and accountant. The state alleged that the enterprise operated from at least 1997 until Epstein’s death in 2019 and used properties including Zorro Ranch to recruit, transport, isolate, sexually abuse and traffic girls and young women. According to the complaint, Indyke and Kahn managed money and corporate entities that helped keep the operation functioning, including making large amounts of cash available, paying expenses for young women, managing Zorro-related companies and handling transactions that the state said helped conceal Epstein’s activities. The complaint alleged that more than $6 million in cash was withdrawn from Epstein accounts between 2002 and 2013 and that Indyke continued withdrawing more than $200,000 annually from one account even after Epstein became a registered sex offender. New Mexico further alleged that Indyke received more than $16 million from Epstein-related entities between 2011 and 2019, along with an unrepaid $7 million loan and other benefits, while Kahn received more than $10 million and millions more through his company. The state alleged that both men knew, or at minimum recklessly disregarded, that the money they administered was facilitating Epstein’s trafficking and abuse, including conduct at Zorro Ranch.
New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez accused Darren Indyke and Richard Kahn of being active financial and administrative participants in what the complaint called the “Epstein Enterprise,” rather than merely Jeffrey Epstein’s lawyer and accountant. The state alleged that the enterprise operated from at least 1997 until Epstein’s death in 2019 and used properties including Zorro Ranch to recruit, transport, isolate, sexually abuse and traffic girls and young women. According to the complaint, Indyke and Kahn managed money and corporate entities that helped keep the operation functioning, including making large amounts of cash available, paying expenses for young women, managing Zorro-related companies and handling transactions that the state said helped conceal Epstein’s activities. The complaint alleged that more than $6 million in cash was withdrawn from Epstein accounts between 2002 and 2013 and that Indyke continued withdrawing more than $200,000 annually from one account even after Epstein became a registered sex offender. New Mexico further alleged that Indyke received more than $16 million from Epstein-related entities between 2011 and 2019, along with an unrepaid $7 million loan and other benefits, while Kahn received more than $10 million and millions more through his company. The state alleged that both men knew, or at minimum recklessly disregarded, that the money they administered was facilitating Epstein’s trafficking and abuse, including conduct at Zorro Ranch.
In July 2025, the DOJ and FBI tried to close the book on Jeffrey Epstein by claiming they had found no incriminating client list, no credible blackmail evidence, and nothing that could justify investigations of uncharged third parties. That posture collapsed after Congress passed the Epstein Files Transparency Act by overwhelming margins and forced millions of pages into public view. Once those records were released, New Mexico reopened its criminal investigation into alleged activity at Zorro Ranch, later sued the Justice Department for access to unredacted evidence, and filed a separate civil case accusing Darren Indyke and Richard Kahn of helping facilitate and conceal Epstein’s trafficking operation. Congress continued issuing subpoenas, taking testimony, and comparing witness statements against documentary evidence, while French prosecutors opened trafficking and financial-crime investigations based on newly released material. British authorities also opened Epstein-related investigations, including a public-corruption probe involving Peter Mandelson. None of those actions automatically prove criminal guilt, but they make one thing impossible to maintain with a straight face: the idea that every meaningful investigative avenue had already been exhausted.
In July 2025, the DOJ and FBI tried to close the book on Jeffrey Epstein by claiming they had found no incriminating client list, no credible blackmail evidence, and nothing that could justify investigations of uncharged third parties. That posture collapsed after Congress passed the Epstein Files Transparency Act by overwhelming margins and forced millions of pages into public view. Once those records were released, New Mexico reopened its criminal investigation into alleged activity at Zorro Ranch, later sued the Justice Department for access to unredacted evidence, and filed a separate civil case accusing Darren Indyke and Richard Kahn of helping facilitate and conceal Epstein’s trafficking operation. Congress continued issuing subpoenas, taking testimony, and comparing witness statements against documentary evidence, while French prosecutors opened trafficking and financial-crime investigations based on newly released material. British authorities also opened Epstein-related investigations, including a public-corruption probe involving Peter Mandelson. None of those actions automatically prove criminal guilt, but they make one thing impossible to maintain with a straight face: the idea that every meaningful investigative avenue had already been exhausted.