Show Notes
The Labour government is on a mission to grow the economy to pay for all the public expenditure needed. But where will this growth come from? Previous major economic growth (e.g. in Germany, Japan and China) has had two common factors: exports and high levels of domestic savings. Labour’s plans don’t include anything about exports or export growth, and savings net of capital depreciation are less than zero in the UK.
How does Labour’s strategy of building new houses and wind turbines, and fitting lots of solar panels, cause economic growth? The need for more houses comes from the sharp growth in the UK population, and with higher population, GDP growth itself doesn’t necessarily raise GPD per head. On the wind turbines and solar panels, we’re replacing one capital stock (gas and coal power stations) with another (off- and onshore wind and solar panels) that provides exactly the same services. As new technology replaces old assets, this is capital maintenance not investment.
The stuff to build the houses, turbines and panels comes from overseas supply chains – the opposite of export-led growth. The economic growth calculation is based on the assumption that the costs of renewables will fall. But with the net zero card being pushed elsewhere, the costs are higher for all those competing countries wanting to go faster.
The main source of finance is overseas debt markets. This dash for growth is in effect a dash for debt. The cost of capital is key to this, and it’s been rising in real terms. How will the government get to a position of no current deficit and debt falling as a percentage of GDP by the end of the Parliament? Calling anything investment, especially capital maintenance, is no real, long-term solution. If the government’s strategy goes wrong, the dash for debt will leave finances even worse than it inherited. Let’s be realistic about what we are truly facing.
More from Helm Talks - energy climate infrastructure & more
Many voted to stay in the EU (including me). Rejoining the EU may sound simple, but the Europe Britain left no longer exists. With a string of major elections approaching and far-right nationalist parties surging across the continent, a future EU could be shaped far more by figures such as Le Pen (France), Meloni (Italy) and the AfD (Germany) than by the centrist consensus of the past. If a more Gaullist Europe emerges, one of the biggest obstacles to re-entry may be a simple question from Brussels, Paris and other capitals: why would they want Britain back?
Britain faces a crisis of delivery. From nuclear power stations to airport runways and water infrastructure, costs have spiralled and timelines have stretched into decades. How has a major modern economy become so incapable of building what it needs? From amongst the most expensive nuclear power stations in the world, to huge costs for airport runways and the absurdities of the HS2, Britain is an infrastructure basket case. This matters not least to ensure that the economy can grow, as the politicians keep talking about.
As oil prices continue to fluctuate in global markets, Britain’s energy costs have become a distinctly British crisis. They cannot be explained away as a temporary consequence of global events. Industrial electricity prices continue to be among the highest in the developed world, consumer bills remain high, and there is little prospect of relief even in the longer term without a fundamental rethink of policy.
Recent prime ministers have become very good at the politics of the long grass, and Andy Burnham is at risk of following this line. Promise the big things: growth, clean rivers, better defence, cheaper energy, new nuclear, decent transport and social care. Then push the hard choices beyond the next election, offer short-term palliatives, and hope that someone else will eventually pick up the bill. The result is not merely delay; such an approach actually results in higher costs in the long term, weaker infrastructure, and yet another obstacle to the growth that he, and many of his predecessors claim to want.
Following on from the latest change of Prime Minister and announcements about his new Cabinet, what is going to change? Andy Burnham has a new ten-year plan, and is promising a fundamental revision of politics, but Britain’s deeper economic problems remain unresolved. The fact is, underneath the headlines, the country is still trying to live beyond its means, with high borrowing, weak growth and rising debt interest putting serious pressure on its public finances.