Show Notes
In our last episode, we discussed the murder of four Ogoni chiefs, Albert Badey, Edward Kobani, Samuel Orage, and Theophilus Orage, at Giokoo on 21 May 1994. We also discussed how their deaths emboldened the General Sani Abacha regime to arrest various Ogonis, especially those who were members of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP).
Following the murders of the Ogoni chiefs, Rivers State military administrator, Lieutenant Colonel Dauda Musa Komo, and the Abacha regime finally had their way in to disrupt MOSOP. On May 22 1994, Komo held a press conference, where he accused MOSOP of the murders, using a bag of bones retrieved from the scene of the crime. But how did the government decide who to arrest? And what can the nature of the arrests that followed Komo’s press conference tell us about the government’s true intentions?
In this episode, Wale Lawal finds some answers. Learn more at republic.com.ng/podcasts/.
More from The Republic
In 2006, Nigerian-British sculptor, Sokari Douglas-Camp, was commissioned by human and environment rights organization, Platform, to create a work of art in honour of the memory of Ken Saro-Wiwa. Douglas-Camp created a life-sized replica of a Nigerian steel bus, called ‘Battle Bus: Living Memorial for Ken Saro-Wiwa’. It was an artistic symbol of movement and change. In 2015, 20 years after the execution of the Ogoni Nine, Platform planned to commemorate the Ogoni Nine execution and wanted Douglas-Camp’s Battle Bus to feature at the event held in Bori, Saro-Wiwa’s hometown. But when the battle bus arrived at the Lagos Seaport that year, it was impounded by the port authorities. It is now 2025*, nearly 30 years since the executions happened. Presidents have come and gone; Niger-Delta resistance has, arguably, become more violent and more commercially motivated; public memory of the Ogoni Nine has atrophied, and the battle bus, an artistic work crafted to honour the memory of the Ogoni Nine, is still under arrest by the Nigerian authorities. What is it about Saro-Wiwa that continues to aggravate and possibly even terrify the Nigerian ruling establishment? How have the Ogoni people been able to come to terms with the execution of the Ogoni Nine, and deal with the unresolved environmental crisis caused by oil exploration till this day? What does the crisis in Ogoni and the Niger Delta more broadly tell us about what it means to be Nigerian?
On 22 May 1995, the final phase of the Ogoni Nine trial began. The Ogoni Nine had been in detention since May 1994. Ken Saro-Wiwa’s health was declining, and had taken a turn for the worse. Still, the Special Military Tribunal resumed trial. With their lawyers, Femi Falana and Gani Fawehinmi having retired (due to being frustrated by the government), the Ogoni Nine were left without legal representation. If they were found guilty of murder, they would get the capital sentence of death. This was all anyone in Nigeria at the time could think of. After the courts pronounced the Ogoni Nine guilty, public attention turned to whether the Abacha regime would truly go ahead to execute them.
On 19 January 1994, General Abacha, who had been Nigeria’s head of state for just two months, sent a federal ministerial committee to Ogoniland to meet with Ken Saro-Wiwa in Saro-Wiwa's hometown of Bori. The primary mission of the committee was to investigate the oil crisis in the Niger Delta region and make a report on how to solve the crisis. The committee consisted of Alex Ibru, the federal minister of internal affairs; Chief Donald Etiebet, the minister of petroleum resources; Melford Okilo, the minister of tourism and commerce; and Lieutenant Colonel Dauda Musa Komo, the military governor of Rivers State.
The Ogonis are a prominent ethnic group in the Niger Delta. And in the 1950s, the oil wealth found in Ogoniland promised a future of prosperity. It meant that the small agriculture and fishery community could be potentially transformed into an industrial hub. But this dream soon became a nightmare as the government and the oil companies had other plans. The Ogonis never saw the promised prosperity.
1973 began with Ken Saro-Wiwa being more publicly critical than ever of the Nigerian government he was a part of. Increasingly, he served two masters: he was a government commissioner and he was also advocating for the autonomy of the Ogoni people over their political and economic affairs. Fresh out of a civil war, Nigeria’s authorities were intolerant of any form of agitation or activism, especially for ethnic autonomy.